Tag Archives: nuclear reactors

Is Biden’s War on LNG the New Anti-Nuclearism?

From Watts Up With That?

By Patrick Hynes

April 08, 2024

In the aftermath of the 1979 Three Mile Island nuclear accident, then-Senator Joe Biden voted for a “temporary pause” on reactor permitting, despite no credible evidence of public harm from radiation. Although the measure failed, the nuclear industry never recovered from this political overreaction based on exaggerated fears. Forty-five years later, President Biden has unilaterally ordered a “temporary pause” on the permitting of liquified natural gas (LNG) export terminals – a move the Washington Post editorial board aptly labeled “a win for political symbolism, not the climate.”

So, why are Biden’s usual allies, including some Congressional Democrats, taking the gas industry’s side? Mainly, because the decision harms the U.S. geopolitical and economic security – and climate efforts. With anti-nuclearism in our rearview, the president should know better than to listen to degrowth-oriented environmentalists who cheered the pause.

Long before LNG met resistance from mainstream green groups, nuclear energy was their primary target. They amplified fears about radiation and leveraged celebrity influence to communicate these supposed risks to young people. For example, Jane Fonda’s movie The China Syndrome, which depicts a reactor meltdown burning through the earth’s core, was released just days before Three Mile Island,  fueling public confusion. Despite no evidence of public radiation harm, the reputational damage slowed the industry’s growth. Over the next few decades, coal replaced reactors that would have been built, and emissions accelerated until peaking in the mid-2000s when plentiful natural gas led to significant decarbonization.

Biden’s LNG export terminal pause resulted from a similar campaign including many of the same organizations recycling the same tactics. Fonda was even involved, this time utilizing TikTok to reach Gen Z audiences. Because they have significant White House access and political capital in an election year, Biden took their bait and went to war with fossil fuels to appease young, progressive voters.

Part of the reason for the widespread skepticism of the pause is that it relies on highly dubious findings in one non-peer-reviewed study by a highly controversial professor with a history of publishing discredited reports on methane. It suggests that other analyses, including the Department of Energy’s, underreport methane leakage by such a large margin that LNG is actually worse than coal for the climate. It’s oddly similar to arguments that anti-nuclear activists made in the 1970s, like when a Sierra Club executive claimed: “Unlike nuclear, which risks long-term genetic damage, coal’s impacts won’t be felt generations from now.” In both cases, coal was the preferred resource for these activists.

In reality, the U.S. oil and gas sector already has the world’s lowest methane leakage rates and is leading efforts to track, capture, and monetize fugitive methane innovatively. Leakage declined by 28% between 2019 and 2021 alone. As Freeport LNG’s Chairman Michael Smith emphasized at CERA Week, “Every single one of us makes our money selling methane. We don’t want to release it.”

Conversely, Russia, the world’s second largest producer of natural gas, has little concern over methane leaks. The Department of Energy study Howarth claims to debunk found Russia’s methane emissions rate 4-5 times higher than U.S. LNG’s 1% level, though still cleaner than coal. The Kremlin’s lax standards also played a major role in the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear accident. At Three Mile Island, higher standards and risk aversion protocols inherent in a capitalist system prevented the accident from turning into a catastrophe – though hysteria still caused investment flight to coal.

If idealistic politicians succeed in removing U.S. LNG from the global market, it will lead to the double whammy of increased coal and dirtier natural gas from emissions-agnostic countries like Russia. Like nuclear, the LNG export sector is highly vulnerable to political disruptions. A rejected export terminal, much like a failed reactor, can erode investor confidence enough to reverse the industry’s momentum. A German state-owned gas importer, SEFE, has already turned to Russia in response to the pause, and other committed buyers like Malaysia are reportedly getting cold feet. These developments are neither good for global security nor the climate.

While it may seem far-fetched that this pause could pose an existential threat to U.S. LNG exports, one need only look back to 1979 when few could have foreseen that only two new nuclear reactors would be built in the subsequent 45 years. Now that we realize how regressive that was in the fight against climate change, the president has no excuse to repeat the same mistakes.

Patrick Hynes is a fellow with ConservAmerica.

This article was originally published by RealClearEnergy and made available via RealClearWire.

Nuclear revival needs a new regulatory framework

From CFACT

By Duggan Flanakin

It is high time for the U.S. nuclear energy industry to revive, regardless of whether the planet is marching towards a carbon-neutral energy future. In France, whose nuclear reactors that today supply about two-thirds of that nation’s energy are decades old, President Macron’s government has proposed an energy bill that calls for constructing six to 14 new nuclear reactors.

The reason? To ensure “energy sovereignty.”

Worldwide, there are about 440 nuclear reactors operating in 33 countries that together provide about 2,545 terawatt-hours of electricity in 2022, about 10 percent of the world’s total. Today, another 60 nuclear facilities are being constructed in 17 countries, led by China, India, Russia, Turkiye, and Egypt. Dozens more are in the planning or proposal stages.

The only U.S. plant under construction, Vogtle Unit 4, is nearing completion.

A hostile regulatory and even statutory environment in the United States is a major reason for such little nuclear activity stateside. Far too much of the cost for large nuclear facilities is spent waiting interminably for permits, which is a disincentive to investment in the world’s most efficient, longest-lasting, and likely safest form of “clean” energy.

Vogtle Unit 3, which just went online last July, and its sister Vogtle Unit 4, which hopefully will start generating electricity this spring, were first proposed in 2004. Five years later, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission signed off on the application in 2009, but not until 2011 did the NRC approve the final safety evaluation report for the reactor design. That was 13 years ago.

Today, as in France, nearly all of the 93 operating commercial nuclear reactors (at 54 facilities in 28 states) are over 40 years old, yet they still generate nearly a fifth of the nation’s electricity. As with mining operations, the permitting jungle dissuades the development of vital national resources.

Bad as the regulatory time frame is for large nuclear facilities, it is even worse (though technically the same) for companies desiring to bring new-design small modular reactors (SMRs) and micro SMRs to market.

The nation’s first prototype commercial SMR was invented by a team of nuclear scientists at Oregon State University in 2007. Yet when NuScale Power opted to develop a working model in 2022, they projected that their SMR would not be approved for the market until 2030. The two-step permitting process designed for large reactors remains the only pathway for these smaller reactors to win federal approval.

Well, that’s not entirely true. For over half a century, the U.S. military has relied on small nuclear reactors to power missile submarines, aircraft carriers, and icebreakers. Many of the safety controls and delays associated with commercial permitting are not applied to Naval Reactors because they occupy small spaces.

The electrical output for modern Naval Reactors is about the same as that for many of the modern-day SMR designs (less than 165 MW). Still, they are dedicated to powering turboshaft propellers rather than delivering commercial electricity. There has never been an incident of radiation poisoning associated with any of these reactors.

Reforming the permitting process for large reactors is important. Of far greater importance to the projected future of nuclear energy, though, is creating a legal and regulatory framework suitable for these smaller reactors, especially for micro SMRs, now in the development stage, that generate a maximum of 20 MW of electricity.

Micro SMRs, which have been dubbed “nuclear battery packs,” are anticipated for use at desalinization plants, mining operations, and other commercial and government operations requiring uninterrupted power. Their highest use might be at remote locations where power is typically supplied by diesel fuel or even coal that must be brought long distances to the worksite.

These modular, portable reactors can be hooked up in tandem to supply additional energy, moved from one site to another (especially valuable in military battlefields), and require little maintenance. The primary barrier to universal deployment of these small reactors is the time and cost of jumping through the tedious hoops in the nuclear reactor permitting process – many of which are entirely unnecessary for ensuring public safety.

Nuclear physicist James Walker believes that micro SMRs can provide a real solution to powering remote, high-energy-using facilities that today run on diesel fuel, often brought to the site at great expense. He sees “hundreds of thousands” of activities where a micro SMR could replace diesel generators without any need for refueling over a 20-year time frame – from military bases to mining operations and even to oil and gas and petrochemical facilities.

For this dream to become a reality in the near future, the U.S. truly needs to take a long look at the wisdom of forcing these small and microreactors to follow the procedures designed for reactors ten to 100 times their size, confined to a single location, and reliant upon cooling towers or reservoirs (as with the South Texas Nuclear Plant) that require their own permits.

While the Biden Administration has committed to helping establish a reliable domestic supply of fuels using high-assay low-enriched uranium (HALEU) – crucial to deploying advanced nuclear reactors – neither the White House nor Congress has taken on the job of crafting reforms to the nuclear energy regulatory process that would expedite and simplify the permitting process for small and micro modular reactors.

Up till now, though, the domestic nuclear energy industry has been complacent, apparently satisfied (or more likely frustrated) with the high costs and public outcries against their industry. What needs to happen is for the nuclear industry itself to take the lead by crafting model legislation and regulations and bring them before lawmakers and regulators for discussion.

Last month, the Justice Department published two pieces of model legislation for states to consider addressing gun violence. Model laws have been widely used by the American Legislative Exchange Council the United Nations, the European Union, and even the International Red Cross to transform common sense solutions into policy.

The era of micro SMRs and SMRs in general is just beginning. Yet, the regulatory framework available for bringing these innovative solutions to the energy crisis to market is irrational and unsuitable – it is overkill that impedes the energy transition.

Lawmakers, even regulators, are not very familiar with the realities that the manufacturers and would-be marketers of these new-generation tools cope with on a daily basis. Nor do they see any real need to take the risks to the status quo inherent in creating such a new framework. Why rock the boat?

It is thus very unlikely that Congress and federal regulators will do anything without prompting – without someone (the industry is the best candidate) offering them the solution on a silver platter.

But who will step up and make this happen?

This article originally appeared at Town Hall

Country On Green Transition’s Leading Edge Will Fire Up Coal Plants To Meet Demand This Winter

A country on the forefront of the green transition will put several mothballed coal-fired power plants back online ahead of the upcoming winter, Bloomberg News reported Wednesday, says The Daily Caller.

(Photo by Andreas Rentz/Getty Images)

By NICK POPE

Germany, which has spent hundreds of billions of dollars to enact the green energy transition, will reactivate several coal-fired units in order to meet peak demand and keep the lights on this winter, Bloomberg reported. The country has experienced elevated and inconsistent energy prices since Russia invaded Ukraine, impacting both German customers and companies.

The German government opted to go ahead with its plans to phase out its last nuclear reactors in April, and the war in Ukraine has resulted in diminished flow of relatively inexpensive natural gas from Russia, according to Bloomberg. German officials have cited safety concerns and a desire to focus on developing green energy as their rationale for shuttering the remaining reactors. (RELATED: ‘Political Suicide’: Germany Will Shutter Nuclear Plants Despite Looming Winter Shortages)

The country needed to rely on coal last winter once the flow of Russian gas had slowed, and supply is likely to be even tighter this winter now that the nuclear reactors are out of the picture, Bloomberg reported. The energy crisis and inconsistencies in the power market have contributed to the decisions of many companies to scale down their operations in Germany and look for more stable, affordable business environments in North America and Asia, according to Politico.

In June, German Economy and Energy Minister Robert Habeck warned that a future energy shortage could produce conditions in which “there is no secure scenario for how things will turn out” for the German economy. Habeck issued his warning ahead of the December 2024 expiration of a natural gas deal between Russia and Ukraine, which allows for Russian gas to flow into Western Europe.

Germany aims to achieve net-zero carbon dioxide emissions by 2045, and the country relied on wind and solar power to provide about 32% of its energy in 2022, according to Statista.

The German Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy did not respond immediately to a request for comment.