Tag Archives: carbon dioxide (CO2)

Electricity Statism Conference: Kiesling Rides High

From Master Resource

By Robert Bradley Jr.

“This conference is not about free market reform; it is about centrally planned wholesale markets for electricity, as well as open-ended subsidies for wind, solar, and batteries, all at the expense of thermal generation and free-market order.”

The title says it all: Integrating Science and Law & Economics to Inform Energy Policy in a Decarbonized Future.” And the conference is loaded with electricity statists and ‘clean’ energy activists, all experts (as in expert failure and scientism), with plans to tweak/expand government planning in a failed, failing government system. In political terms, it is Biden’s “all of government” all the way.

The premise of the two-day conference is flawed. “Science” in the title suggests the scientific (physical and social) debate behind Net Zero/forced energy transformation. “Law & Economics” is a discipline that certainly questions the vague idea of “decarbonization.”

This conference is not about free market reform; it is about centrally planned wholesale markets for electricity, as well as open-ended subsidies for wind, solar, and batteries, all at the expense of thermal generation and free-market order.

Assume, don’t debate, climate alarm. Ignore the positives of carbon dioxide (CO2) on plant life and global greening. Accept the status of dilute, intermittent, taxpayer-enabled industrial wind turbines and on-grid solar arrays. Do not question the need for continuing shots of government mandates and subsidies for “energy transformation,” the latest being battery storage.

Who is at the center of this conference, one that is devoid of basic free-market questioning of a politicized market? The answer is Lynne Kiesling, a pretend classical liberal/freedom advocate who really is a technocrat working in a government sandbox. The “queen of power markets” is a woman of system. (For more discussion of our differences, see here and the appendix below.)

The Kiesling problem just starts with her Statist program for electricity (“my synthetic theory of regulation and technological change“) premised on “the grid [as] a common pool resource in which it is literally—literally—impossible to define and enforce property rights.” What?

Beyond a peculiar flawed theory of market failure (inapplicability?), Kiesling has repeatedly engaged in obfuscation against her critics who ask hard questions only to get ignored or, at best, receive evasive and condescending (“I’m-too-busy”) replies. On top of this, she engages in a charm offensive with crony rewards to her allies and defenders.

Unchecked ego will do this. Be original (albeit incorrect) to gain power and prestige via political correctness (sound familiar?). Erect a solid wall without direct debate/concessions to prevent leakage and spiraling deconstruction. And keep going down the interventionist path (an intellectual version of the Mises Interventionist Thesis) to the virtual power plant.

But here we are. Texas was her model for good electricity regulation–until it was not, tragically so. Texas has the most “green” electricity and the most “competition”. But it is wounded and in a spiral of more government intervention to address the problem of prior.

So why not present a real free market alternative, even if in one session of the conference? No, it is “all-of-government” electricity policy, even as practical problems mount.

————————-

Here is the conference pitch, to be held today and tomorrow:

This Symposium, presented by the Paula M. Trienens Institute for Sustainability and Energy and the Institute for Regulatory Law and Economics at the Northwestern Center on Law, Business, and Economics, will provide an opportunity to convene scholars, policy practitioners, and members of industry to explore the science and policy of energy technologies and energy system integration in a decarbonizing electric system. There will be ample collaborative discussion opportunities for all attendees during the active breaks and small group discussion break-outs each day.

The Symposium will feature a virtual Keynote Address by U.S. Congressman Sean Casten (6th District of Illinois) and an in-person Keynote Discussion with Pat Wood, III (CEO, Hunt Energy Network; Former Chairman of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, Former Chairman of the Public Utility Commission of Texas)….

Symposium Program

————————————-

Tuesday, June 25, 2024
12:15-12:30 Welcome and Opening Remarks
Lynne Kiesling, Director, Institute for Regulatory Law &
Economics; Senior Research Affiliate, Northwestern Center on
Law, Business, and Economics
Hari Osofsky, Dean and Myra and James Bradwell Professor of
Law; Professor of Environmental Law and Culture (Courtesy),
Northwestern Pritzker School of Law

12:30-2:00 Panel: New Technology Breakthroughs: Their Physical and Economic Implications
Moderator: Ted Thomas, Founder, Energize Strategies; Former
Chairman of the Arkansas Public Service Commission
Panelists: Holly Benz, Clinical Associate Professor & Director, Master
of Science in Energy & Sustainability (MSES), Northwestern
University
Meghan Busse, Associate Professor of Strategy, Kellogg
School of Management, Northwestern University
Jana Gerber, President, Microgrid North America,
Schneider Electric
Jeff Lopez, Assistant Professor of Chemical & Biological
Engineering, Northwestern University

3:15-4:15 IRLE 20th Anniversary Panel: Regulatory Decision-Making in a Changing Environment
Moderator: Pat O’Connell, Commissioner, New Mexico Public Service Commission
Rim Baltaduonis, Scientist. SLAC National Accelerator Laboratory, Stanford University; Associate Professor of Economics, Gettysburg College
Lynne Kiesling, Director, Institute for Regulatory Law & Economics; Senior Research Affiliate, Northwestern Center on Law, Business, and Economics
Josh Macey, Assistant Professor of Law, University of Chicago Law School
Carrie Zalewski, Vice President, Transmission and Markets, American Clean Power Association

4:30-5:00 Keynote Address: U.S. Congressman Sean Casten, 6th District of Illinois (virtual)

6:45 Dinner Keynote Conversation
Pat Wood, III, CEO, Hunt Energy Network; Former Chairman of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, Former Chairman of the Public Utility Commission of Texas
Lynne Kiesling, Director, Institute for Regulatory Law & Economics; Senior Research Affiliate, Northwestern Center on Law, Business, and Economics

Wednesday, June 26, 2024
8:30-9:45 Science, Economics, and Policy Lenses on Transmission Investment
Moderator: Ann McCabe, Commissioner, Illinois Commerce Commission
Panelists: Jacob Mays, Assistant Professor, Civil and Environmental Engineering, Cornell University
Hilary Pearson, VP Policy & External Affairs, LineVision
Jim Rossi, Judge D.L. Lansden Chair in Law, Vanderbilt University Law School
Shashank Sane, EVP Transmission, Invenergy

10:00-10:45 Energy System Resilience Issues Short Presentations (10 minutes each)

  • Winter Reliability
    Timothy Fitzgerald, Associate Professor, Rawls College of Business, Texas Tech University
  • Energy and AI
    Kyri Baker, Assistant Professor and Lewis-Worcester Faculty Fellow, Civil, Environmental, and Architectural Engineering, University of Colorado Boulder
  • Energy-Water Nexus
    David Rankin, Executive Director, Great Lakes Protection Fund
  • Grid Decarbonization/Complex System Dynamics
    Ermin Wei, Associate Professor, Computer and Electrical Engineering, McCormick School of Engineering, Northwestern University
    10:45-11:15 Small Group Breakout Discussion of Resilience
    1:15-11:45 Report Out/Discussion from Small Groups
    11:45-12:00 Closing Summary

Appendix: Kiesling Issues

In many posts here at MasterResource, I have documented Kiesling’s faux classical liberalism in theory, application, and scholarship. They include:

  • Purposeful obfuscation, evasion, and arrogance toward her free-market critics.
  • Refusal to consider the alternative viewpoint of free-market economists before her on electricity policy reform.
  • Controversial interpretation of Hayek, Coase, etc. for her “synthetic theory of regulation and technological change“.
  • Support for violating basic private property rights of electricity asset owners (mandatory open access).
  • Support of a centrally planned wholesale electricity market (ISOs/RTOs), from which contrived competition emerges at retail.
  • Look-the-other-way treatment of climate activism (climate alarmism and forced energy transformation).
  • Embrace of the next phase of the government takeover of electricity: the “virtual power plant” via wind, solar, batteries, and smart meters in the home or business. [1]

[1] Kiesling endorses Doug Lewin, a paid voice for forced energy transformation in the Texas power market.

“Climate Alarm is a Good Way of Expanding Government Power”: Interview With Professor Ross McKitrick

From The Daily Sceptic

BY HANNES SARV

While there is a lot of talk about renewables being cheap, Ross McKitrick, Professor of Economics at the University of Guelph in Canada, gives a simple example of why this is not true. He draws a parallel with the building of railways. Suppose, for example, that a country wants to build a railroad from one end of the country to the other, and puts out a tender. Two bids are received, one of which is significantly cheaper than the other. However, the company that submitted the cheaper bid says that after every 10 miles, there is a three mile gap in the track. If such a condition is acceptable, the price is really cheap. “Well, obviously, the fact that it’s cheaper doesn’t help, because it’s now useless as a railroad. And electricity systems that are running on wind are useless for the same purpose. You can’t have an electricity system that when the wind dies down, there’s no electricity,” he says. The same kind of problems are true for solar power as well.

The energy system must be reliable

To make the power system work, i.e., to have electricity available all the time with renewables, you need either energy storage capacity or some kind of parallel system of generation. As far as storage is concerned, there are no good solutions at the moment, says McKitrick. One option, he notes, would be to try to create a lake in the sky and pump enough water up there while the weather is windy to use it as a hydro resource in the absence of wind. However, this is not a realistic solution. Another option would be batteries. “No one can even conceive today of how you’d have batteries large enough to run an entire country for anything more than 30 seconds or so,” he says.

And the third option? In order to have a sufficient and continuous supply of electricity, we would need another more reliable source than wind and solar – gas-fired power plants, for example. In other words, you will need to add this cost and essentially build duplicate electricity systems that run at the same time. McKitrick says this is inefficient, silly, and comes with a high cost. “Anything that people talk about is so incredibly expensive that suddenly the cost comparison goes back to where it always was, which is fossil fuel-based systems are inexpensive and 100% reliable,” he says. Nuclear, he adds, is expensive by comparison, but once it is built, the costs of running it are low and it lasts a long time. Hydropower is also good and reliable, but it can only be used where natural conditions are right. “We’ve used them because they’re the ones that work. And when you factor in the reliability, they’re also the least expensive overall. Wind and solar, they will never be competitive because of the intermittency,” says McKitrick.

Depending on the taxpayer

Since renewables are uncompetitive, governments subsidise them, or in other words, taxpayers pay for them, everywhere. McKitrick gives the example of his home province of Ontario, Canada. Around the mid-2000s, Ontario decided to start heavily subsidising wind farm development. “What they sold to the public was Ontario is now going to be a world leader in manufacturing wind turbines and everybody is going to be lining up to buy wind turbines from us. So there will be a great economic benefit,” McKitrick recalls but adds that nothing of the sort happened. “No, we didn’t have any comparative advantage in building wind turbines. We don’t have a wind turbine industry in Ontario. We ended up importing all the parts. The turbines went up and the Government changed and the subsidies disappeared. The whole industry disappeared,” McKitrick explains. According to him, this is what always happens when an industry comes into existence not because private investors have an interest in developing it, but because the Government is handing out taxpayer money to it. “It’s gone as soon as the subsidies are gone. And as long as the subsidies are in place, it’s a drain on your society. It is destroying your national wealth, not building it,” he says.

The energy transition and the deployment of renewable energy is only one part of the climate debate, however. The transition to a decarbonised economy should be preceded by the question of why we are doing it in the first place. Allegedly, it is because human-emitted COhas caused global warming and if we do not stop it, if we continue to emit CO2, we will end up with a climate catastrophe, full of hellfire and extreme weather events. But in reality, we should be asking, are these claims really accurate?

McKitrick is one of the many scientists trying to allay people’s climate anxiety. His interest in environmental issues began during his studies at the University of British Columbia in the early 1990s. General interest in environmental issues was on the rise, but there weren’t many economists studying the subject or considering the impact of environmental policies on the economy. “I decided to focus on climate change because Canada was beginning to think about whether a carbon tax would make sense. And the economics was interesting and the data was there to work on it,” he says.

In 1997, the Kyoto Protocol was agreed between countries, which set a target for greenhouse gas reductions. In general, McKitrick says, the discussions at the time were about climate scientists talking about climate-related issues and problems, but they also wanted economists to come in and talk about the economic impact of the policies that were planned. “There weren’t many people working on the topic, so I would often get invited to these kinds of meetings and I’d see the standard science presentation. I didn’t really have any opinion on it one way or the other. I just took it all in,” he says.

A faulty hockey stick graph

But at around the turn of the millennium, at those meetings, weather data collected by the satellites were presented. “It was, to me, quite an unusual thing, because I’d seen lots of presentations of the surface thermometer data and the description of the global warming problem. Then somebody said there’s also this satellite data that’s measuring the layers of the atmosphere where all this is supposed to be happening and it doesn’t show any warming. Which is unusual,” he says, adding that for some reason it was not considered important. “I thought, wait a second, that’s an important point. We should understand this before we go rushing into some of these expensive policies. We need to ask how solid the science here is,” McKitrick says.

He then became interested in climate science itself, beyond the economic impacts of any climate policy in particular, and looked at the data provided by the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), for example. “Immediately I was struck by the fact that the statistical analysis wasn’t very impressive. That they were doing really rudimentary analyses and it was clear that they didn’t have as much training in statistics as an economist would,” he says.

In 2003, he was contacted by Stephen McIntyre, a mathematician who was working in the mining sector and was interested in replicating paleoclimate studies. He would later start the popular website ClimateAudit.org, which critically assessed the statistical analysis behind climate science claims.

McIntyre explained that he had been trying to understand the data on which University of Pennsylvania climate scientist Michael Mann et al. created his famous hockey stick graph showing a steep rise in temperatures on Earth in the second half of the 20th century.

Together with McKitrick they then analysed the underlying data that climate scientists had obtained primarily by studying tree rings offering proxy data of the planet’s climate history. McKitrick and McIntyre discovered a significant number of errors in the work of Mann et al. “These are long paleoclimate series, mostly tree rings, things like that, and just graphing them up they didn’t look like hockey sticks. And most of the data series just had no trend at all. And a lot of them even go down in the 20th century,” he says.

They were able to reconstruct the steps that Mann and his co-authors had taken in analysing the data, and they saw that, in essence, Mann et al. had only used the data that showed warming. That is, McKitrick says, Mann and his colleagues extracted 20 out of 400 data series – the ones from which it could be deduced that the rise in temperatures in the second half of the 20th century resembled the image of a hockey stick when plotted on a graph. Understandably, presenting data in this selective way is in itself a bad enough way to conduct research, but McKitrick adds that the selected data itself were also problematic in the Mann et al. work. “The additional problem is those 20 series used are the bristlecone pines, which are known in the field not to be good temperature proxies,” he explains, adding that, ultimately, a graph of any shape could be produced on climate history in this way. The same problems apply to similar hockey stick graphs produced later. “You have no way statistically to say that a hockey stick shape is the preferred outcome versus some completely different shape,” McKitrick says.

Mann vs Steyn: the flawed hockey stick still lives on

McKitrick and McIntyre published their first paper on the hockey stick in 2003 and the work of Mann et al. has been criticised many times since by others, but that doesn’t mean that this graph of temperature rise isn’t presented as truth time and time again. A good example of this is a recent court case in Washington D.C., USA, in which McKitrick was involved as a witness. It is a well-known case in which the same climate scientist, Michael Mann, sued Canadian author and broadcaster Mark Steyn, accusing him of defamation. The case concerned an article by Steyn in the National Review in 2012. In addition to Steyn, Mann sued another author, Rand Simberg, whose earlier article had been commented on by Steyn in his own. Simberg had written of Mann as “the Jerry Sandusky of climate science”. Sandusky was a coach at the University of Pennsylvania – the same university where Mann works – who was convicted in June 2012 of child molestation. A subsequent independent report into the university’s actions revealed that the university’s administration had treated the matter with abject disregard, and rather wanted to cover it up for fear of discrediting the school in the public eye.

But why did Simberg draw a parallel with this case? Mann was one of the main actors in the 2009 Climategate email scandal when a whistleblower or hacker leaked emails stored at the computer server of the University of East Anglia’s Climate Research Unit. These emails contained 15 years of communications between the most prominent climate scientists in the world with Mann being one of them. And they were embarrassing. The emails provided insight into the practices that ranged from bad professionalism to fraudulent science. Bias, data manipulation, dodging freedom of information requests and trying to subvert the peer-review process were uncovered.

However, the reason for drawing parallels with the ugly Sandusky affair was that the university had also launched an investigation into Mann, but found no misuse of data. “Mann could be said to be the Jerry Sandusky of climate science, except for instead molesting children, he has molested and tortured data in the service of politicised science that could have dire economic consequences for the nation and planet,” Simberg wrote on the blog of a libertarian think tank Competitive Enterprise Institute. Steyn quoted Simberg in his article but added that while he himself would not have compared Mann to a child molester in this way, there is a point to what Simberg is saying. “Michael Mann was the man behind the fraudulent climate-change ‘hockey-stick’ graph, the very ringmaster of the tree-ring circus,” he wrote.

More than 10 years after the publication of the articles, Mann and his lawyers finally succeeded in taking the case to a jury in Washington, D.C., and the court concluded that Mann had been libelled.

Simberg and Steyn were found to have made false statements and were ordered to pay Mann $1 each to compensate them. However, as the comments were also found to have been written with “maliciousness, spite, ill will, vengeance or deliberate intent to harm”, punitive damages were awarded – Simberg had to pay $1,000 and Steyn $1 million. Steyn vowed to appeal the decision.

McKitrick comments that, in his view, both the defence lawyers and the experts involved, including himself, did a good job, but that the court is simply a terribly bad place to debate climate science. And in the end, the court was not deciding whether the hockey stick graph was flawed or not, it was clearly a political issue. “In a town like Washington D.C., which leans very heavily Democrat, the plaintiff’s lawyer, Michael Mann’s lawyer, made it clear that the defendants were just evil Right-wing Republican types, probably Trump supporters, and that’s all the jury heard in the end,” he comments.

Reasonable views on climate do not reach the mass media

The critique of the hockey stick graph is, of course, not the only work McKitrick and colleagues have done and published on temperatures. For example, as early as 2004, McKitrick and climatologist Patrick Michaels examined temperature records from the late 20th century and found that they were significantly biased, i.e., they did not remove the warming effect of human activity and urbanisation on temperatures.

In addition, McKitrick has been a reviewer and provided formal commentary on the reports of the IPCC. While these kinds of comments point out shortcomings that could be corrected by the report’s authors, McKitrick says that the recent trend has been to disregard them altogether, with many scientists not seeing a point to send their comments in at all.

On the other hand, it is important to understand what these IPCC reports actually say. If the UN Secretary-General claims that we are on the fast track to a climate hell, can the IPCC confirm this? McKitrick says no. For example, there is a lot of talk in the media about heat waves, major storms and other extreme weather events, and that climate change will make them more frequent and worse. But McKitrick says not to take it too seriously what the press says. “Most of what you hear, at least most of what I hear in the media, is ridiculous. The normal, sensible, scientifically sound work never makes the papers. What makes the papers is the far out, outrageous, speculative stuff about the worst case scenarios. So don’t go by what you’re seeing in the papers,” he says, adding that the IPCC reports do not confirm an increase in extreme weather events. “There is some evidence that heat waves have gotten worse, although not in the United States. The 1930s was far worse than anything we’ve had since. But the major forms of extreme weather, they’re not really trends and we don’t really expect there to be as a result of CO2 emissions,” McKitrick says, noting that the IPCC reports also do not use terms such as climate crisis or climate catastrophe. This is the message being given by Guterres and other political figures.

What role does CO2 play?

As presented by political figures and portrayed as the scientific consensus in the media, one of the main reasons for climate change is human emissions of CO2. But the question actually is if CO2 is even capable of doing anything to change the climate. According to McKitrick, we have known of the warming effect of this gas for 150 years. But can it really have a big effect on the climate? “How will that affect our weather systems and life on Earth? That’s where all the uncertainties are. And most of those uncertainties are still quite large. There’s been very little progress in answering that question. Is it a large effect or a small effect? There’s very good evidence for a small effect,” he argues while adding that current developments in Asia, particularly in China and India, where CO2 emissions are increasing, particularly because of coal-fired power generation, which is growing rapidly, could still be a likely cause for concern exactly because it is happening so quickly. On the other hand, McKitrick says, fossil fuel use is essential for these societies to increase their prosperity. “Wealth and income around the world have gone up a lot and in the process, they’ve made people much less vulnerable to environmental catastrophes and problems of all kinds. So as the CO2 level is going up in the air, so are the incomes or the resources to deal with whatever challenges we encounter in the natural world, and weather vulnerability and things like that. So there’s another side even to that part,” McKitrick says, adding that in the context where Asia is rapidly increasing its CO2 emissions, zeroing out CO2 emissions in the West would not have much effect, even if we really think that reducing CO2 would help prevent climate change. Reduction by us is offset by the increase in Asia.

McKitrick points out that more CO2 has positive effects as well that are not being talked about.

“It’s improved agricultural productivity and it’s turning deserts into green spaces. And so this aspect of it, again, doesn’t make the headlines, doesn’t get discussed in the news, but it’s a very real phenomenon,” he says.

In particular, McKitrick says, it is worth pointing out that the role of CO2 and other greenhouse gases is also the basis of the climate models that are used to predict our climate future and that are also used by the IPCC in its assessments. There are dozens of these models, and they vary in their predictions of global warming, but McKitrick says that in broad terms they all have one thing in common: they all expect too much warming. These models have been run for decades and today, in black and white, it is possible to see that they are not consistent with reality. McKitrick asks, for example, would we take a stock market analyst who consistently misses the mark in a serious manner? And how long – until bankruptcy? Yet somehow, similarly faulty climate models are still going ahead.

Too little climate debate and too much politics

All in all, in McKitrick’s view, the whole climate debate today is driven by various interests which are both financial and political. And it is these interests that are driving the talk of a catastrophe and of a solution in the rapid development of renewable energy with taxpayers’ money. On the government side, however, this also looks like a good way of expanding power. “Climate is a great story for doing that, because it means every single aspect of life. You now need to have regulatory supervision and government oversight on every single thing that people are doing,” he notes. So clearly the climate debate has also become a political issue. And that includes universities and science as a whole. McKitrick says that Western universities today have become very Left-wing, and this is also affecting scientists and their research. “I think a lot of them do secretly think that I would like it if the papers that I publish are beneficial to politicians on the Left, and I resent it if the work I publish is beneficial to politicians on the Right. So I might even shape my publication and research work with that in mind,” he says.

Scientific journals also make it difficult to publish work critical of ‘accepted’ climate science, while reputable scientific journals accept poor-quality work based on the basic tenets of climate alarmism – for example, McKitrick says, work that argues that climate change could cause frog extinction. Any sensible work on the same subject, arguing, for example, that frogs actually benefit from a warmer climate, will probably be published in a smaller journal. Perhaps rather than restricting freedom of expression, he says, this is more about “the freedom of reach” or limiting the reach of messages that are deemed ‘unacceptable’. “For people who question the consensus, it’s harder for them to get a message out,” he says, adding that it’s even more difficult in the mainstream media, where climate crisis activists attack anyone who disagrees with their vision of a catastrophe and the mainstream press is usually on their side. “So hopefully, at a certain point, people who follow this issue realise that, yes, there’s a filter,” McKitrick says. He adds that the filter is not complete and that it is still possible for anyone who is interested to find factual information to actually read. This is something he recommends everyone to do.

First published by Freedom Research. Subscribe here.

Climate campaigners are wrong as to which energy source reduces air pollution

From CFACT

By Steve Goreham

Today’s media are filled with concerns about air pollution. But few people know which energy source has produced the greatest modern reduction in air pollution. The answer isn’t wind or solar energy.

During the 1950s, my grandfather had a coal furnace in his basement, like many homes in Chicago. Five days after a winter snowfall, the snow was covered with a visible black film of dust from coal furnaces. Our younger generation does not know the original reason for “spring cleaning.” Every spring, homeowners would wash their inside walls to remove coal dust.

It was the rising use of gas fuel, primarily natural gas along with propane, that produced the greatest reduction in air pollution in the United States and across the world. Gas furnaces and stoves have replaced wood in businesses and homes in developed nations. And natural gas power plants have replaced coal-fired plants to generate electricity, with gas becoming the leading fuel for industry.

Natural gas and propane are clean-burning fuels that emit no harmful pollutants when burned. When gas heating is substituted for coal or wood heating, indoor particulate pollution is reduced by 1,000 times.

Today, 70% of US homes use natural gas or propane, a percentage that has been rising for decades. Gas fuels have also become the leading heating and cooking source in Europe, providing 83% of heat energy in the Netherlands and 78% in the United Kingdom. But there are still 70 million wood stoves in Europe.

The World Health Organization estimates that 2 billion people in developing nations still cook using open fires or inefficient stoves fueled by kerosene, biomass (wood, charcoal, animal dung, or crop waste), and coal. These fuels generate harmful indoor air pollution. Indoor air pollution is estimated to cause more than 3 million deaths annually in poor nations. Emerging nations need gas fuels to boost health and well-being.

The great news is that gas fuels are increasingly used in developing nations, reducing illness and death from cooking. For example, in 2016, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched a program to provide liquid petroleum gas (LPG) to 200 million people, making India the second largest LPG importer. About 70 percent of US propane production is exported as the key component of LPG, mostly to Eastern Asia.

Gas became the primary fuel for generating electricity in developed nations over the last three decades. Natural gas rose from 12.6% of US electricity generation in 1990 to 43.1% in 2023. By 2022, gas had become the leading fuel for electric power in Italy (48%), the Netherlands (59%), and the UK (36%).

The combination of rising gas use to generate electricity, the use of scrubbers on coal plants, and the reduction in vehicle pollution has produced vastly improved air quality in recent decades. The Environmental Protection Agency reports that US ambient air pollution declined by 78% from 1970 to 2020.

Despite the benefits of reduced indoor and outdoor pollution from rising gas use, gas fuels are under attack. Driven by the ideology of Climatism, the fear of human-caused climate change, advocates for net-zero energy policies demand the elimination of gas to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions.

But carbon dioxide is an odorless, harmless, invisible gas. It doesn’t cause smoke or smog. Increased levels of atmospheric CO2 boost plant growth. Carbon dioxide should not be called a pollutant.

Nevertheless, US President Joe Biden, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, and other leaders have called for a net-zero electric grid by 2035. Twenty-three US states now have net-zero electricity targets by 2050. Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, totaling about half of Europe’s electricity, have pledged to eliminate CO2-emitting power plants by 2035.

A war rages in Europe over the elimination of gas appliances. The governments of Germany, the Netherlands, and the UK seek to force homeowners to spend thousands of euros or pounds to switch from gas appliances to electric heat pumps to reduce CO2 emissions. Amsterdam recently announced that it would become “aardgasvrij,” or gas-free, by 2040. But conservative gains in European Union elections this month reflect a popular backlash against efforts to eliminate gas fuels and force acceptance of net-zero policies.

In the US, cities and counties in six states, California, Massachusetts, Maryland, New York, Oregon, and Washington, along with Washington D.C., enacted statutes banning natural gas in new construction. New York passed the All-Electric Buildings Act in 2023, a state-wide ban prohibiting gas appliances in new one- to six-story buildings by 2026. But 20 other US states have passed laws preventing local governments from passing ordinances that ban gas fuels.

Despite misguided government efforts to eliminate gas, consumption of natural gas and other gas fuels continues to rise. World natural gas consumption has doubled since 1995.

Green energy advocates have it exactly wrong. Adoption of gas fuels did more to reduce air pollution over the last 60 years than any other energy source. Gas consumption will continue to rise for decades to come.

This article was originally in the Washington Examiner.

Climate Activists Are Wrong About Which Energy Source Reduces Air Pollution

From Watts Up With That?

Climate Activists Are Wrong About Which Energy Source Reduces Air Pollution

By Steve Goreham

Originally published in the Washington Examiner.

Today’s media are filled with concerns about air pollution. But few people know which energy source has produced the greatest modern reduction in air pollution. The answer isn’t wind or solar energy.

During the 1950s, my grandfather had a coal furnace in his basement, like many homes in Chicago. Five days after a winter snowfall, the snow was covered with a visible black film of dust from coal furnaces. Our younger generation does not know the original reason for “spring cleaning.” Every spring, homeowners would wash their inside walls to remove coal dust.

It was the rising use of gas fuel, primarily natural gas along with propane, that produced the greatest reduction in air pollution in the United States and across the world. Gas furnaces and stoves have replaced wood in businesses and homes in developed nations. And natural gas power plants have replaced coal-fired plants to generate electricity, with gas becoming the leading fuel for industry.

Natural gas and propane are clean-burning fuels that emit no harmful pollutants when burned. When gas heating is substituted for coal or wood heating, indoor particulate pollution is reduced by 1,000 times.

Today, 70% of US homes use natural gas or propane, a percentage that has been rising for decades. Gas fuels have also become the leading heating and cooking source in Europe, providing 83% of heat energy in the Netherlands and 78% in the United Kingdom. But there are still 70 million wood stoves in Europe.

The World Health Organization estimates that 2 billion people in developing nations still cook using open fires or inefficient stoves fueled by kerosene, biomass (wood, charcoal, animal dung, or crop waste), and coal. These fuels generate harmful indoor air pollution. Indoor air pollution is estimated to cause more than 3 million deaths annually in poor nations. Emerging nations need gas fuels to boost health and well-being.

The great news is that gas fuels are increasingly used in developing nations, reducing illness and death from cooking. For example, in 2016 Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched a program to provide liquid petroleum gas (LPG) to 200 million people, making India the second largest LPG importer. About 70 percent of US propane production is exported as the key component of LPG, mostly to Eastern Asia.

Gas became the primary fuel for generating electricity in developed nations over the last three decades. Natural gas rose from 12.6% of US electricity generation in 1990 to 43.1% in 2023. By 2022, gas had become the leading fuel for electric power in Italy (48%), Netherlands (59%), and the UK (36%).

The combination of rising gas use to generate electricity, the use of scrubbers on coal plants, and the reduction in vehicle pollution has produced vastly improved air quality in recent decades. The Environmental Protection Agency reports that US ambient air pollution declined by 78% from 1970 to 2020.

Despite the benefits of reduced indoor and outdoor pollution from rising gas use, gas fuels are under attack. Driven by the ideology of Climatism, the fear of human-caused climate change, advocates for net-zero energy policies demand the elimination of gas to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions.

But carbon dioxide is an odorless, harmless, invisible gas. It doesn’t cause smoke or smog. Increased levels of atmospheric CO2 boost plant growth. Carbon dioxide should not be called a pollutant.

Nevertheless, US President Joe Biden, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, and other leaders have called for a net-zero electric grid by 2035. Twenty-three US states now have net-zero electricity targets by 2050. Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Netherlands, and Switzerland, totaling about half of Europe’s electricity, have pledged to eliminate CO2-emitting power plants by 2035.

A war rages in Europe over the elimination of gas appliances. The governments of Germany, Netherlands, and the UK seek to force homeowners to spend thousands of euros or pounds to switch from gas appliances to electric heat pumps to reduce CO2 emissions. Amsterdam recently announced that it would become “aardgasvrij,” or gas-free, by 2040. But conservative gains in European Union elections this month reflect a popular backlash against efforts to eliminate gas fuels and force acceptance of net-zero policies.

In the US, cities and counties in six states, California, Massachusetts, Maryland, New York, Oregon, and Washington, along with Washington D.C., enacted statutes banning natural gas in new construction. New York passed the All-Electric Buildings Act in 2023, a state-wide ban prohibiting gas appliances in new one- to six-story buildings by 2026. But 20 other US states have passed laws preventing local governments from passing ordinances that ban gas fuels.

Despite misguided government efforts to eliminate gas, consumption of natural gas and other gas fuels continues to rise. World natural gas consumption has doubled since 1995.

Green energy advocates have it exactly wrong. Adoption of gas fuels did more to reduce air pollution over the last 60 years than any other energy source. Gas consumption will continue to rise for decades to come.

Steve Goreham is a speaker on energy, the environment, and public policy and the author of the bestselling book Green Breakdown: The Coming Renewable Energy Failure.

Net Zero Will Prevent Almost Zero Warming, Say Three Top Atmospheric Scientists

From The Daily Sceptic

BY CHRIS MORRISON

Recent calculations by the distinguished atmospheric scientists Richard Lindzen, William Happer and William van Wijngaarden suggest that if the entire world eliminated net carbon dioxide emissions by 2050 it would avert warming of an almost unmeasurable 0.07°C. Even assuming the climate modelled feedbacks and temperature opinions of the politicised Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the rise would be only 0.28°C. Year Zero would have been achieved along with the destruction of economic and social life for eight billion people on Planet Earth. “It would be hard to find a better example of a policy of all pain and no gain,” note the scientists.

In the U.K., the current General Election is almost certain to be won by a party that is committed to outright warfare on hydrocarbons. The Labour party will attempt to ‘decarbonise’ the electricity grid by the end of the decade without any realistic instant backup for unreliable wind and solar except oil and gas. Britain is sitting on huge reserves of hydrocarbons but new exploration is to be banned. It is hard to think of a more ruinous energy policy, but the Conservative governing party is little better. Led by the hapless May, a woman over-promoted since her time running the education committee on Merton Council, through to Buffo Boris and Washed-Out Rishi, its leaders have drunk the eco Kool-Aid fed to them by the likes of Roger Hallam, Extinction Rebellion and the Swedish Doom Goblin. Adding to the mix in the new Parliament will be a likely 200 new ‘Labour’ recruits with university degrees in buggerallology and CVs full of parasitical non-jobs in the public sector.

Hardly any science knowledge between them, they even believe that they can spend billions of other people’s money to capture CO2 – perfectly good plant fertiliser – and bury it in the ground. As a privileged, largely middle class group, they have net zero understanding of how a modern industrial society works, feeds itself and creates the wealth that pays their unnecessary wages. All will be vying to save the planet and stop a temperature rise that is barely a rounding error on any long-term view.

They plan to cull the farting cows, sow wild flowers where food once grew, take away efficient gas boilers and internal combustion cars and stop granny visiting her grandchildren in the United States. On a wider front, banning hydrocarbons will remove almost everything from a modern society including many medicines, building materials, fertilisers, plastics and cleaning products. It might be shorter and easier to list essential items where hydrocarbons are absent than produce one where they are present. Anyone who dissents from their absurd views is said to be in league with fossil fuel interests, a risible suggestion given that they themselves are dependent on hydrocarbon producers to sustain their enviable lifestyles.

Unlike politicians the world over who rant about fire and brimstone, Messrs Lindzen, Happer and van Wijngaarden pay close attention to actual climate observations and analyses of the data. Since it is impossible to determine how much of the gentle warming of the last two centuries is natural or caused by higher levels of CO2, they assume a ‘climate sensitivity’ – rise in temperature when CO2 doubles in the atmosphere – of 0.8°C. This is about four times less than IPCC estimates, which lacks any proof. Understandably the IPCC does not make a big issue of this lack of crucial proof at the heart of the so-called 97% anthropogenic ‘consensus’.

The 0.8°C estimate is based on the idea that greenhouse gases like CO2 ‘saturate’ at certain levels and their warming effect falls off a logarithmic cliff. This idea has the advantage of explaining climate records that stretch back 600 million years since CO2 levels have been up to 10-15 times higher in the past compared with the extremely low levels observed today. There is little if any long term causal link between temperature and CO2 over time. In the immediate past record there is evidence that CO2 rises after natural increases in temperature as the gas is released from warmer oceans.

Any argument that the Earth has a ‘boiling’ problem caused by the small CO2 contribution that humans make by using hydrocarbons is ‘settled’ by an invented political crisis, but is backed by no reliable observational data. Most of the fear-mongering is little more than a circular exercise using computer models with improbable opinions fed in, and improbable opinions fed out.

The three scientists use a simple formula using base-two logarithms to assess the CO2 influence on the atmosphere based on decades of laboratory experiments and atmospheric data collection. They demonstrate how trivial the effect on global temperature will be if humanity stops using hydrocarbons. After years wasted listening to Greta Thunberg, the message is starting to penetrate the political arena. In the United States, the Net Zero project is dead in the water if Trump wins the Presidential election. In Europe, the ruling political elites, both national and supranational, are retreating on their Net Zero commitments. Reality is starting to dawn and alternative political groupings emerge to challenge the comfortable insanity of Net Zero virtue signalling. In New Zealand, the nightmare of the Ardern years is being expunged with a roll back of Net Zero policies ahead of possible electricity black outs.

Only in Britain it seems are citizens prepared to elect a Government obsessed with self-inflicted poverty and deindustrialisation. The only major political grouping committed to scrapping Net Zero is the Nigel Farage-led Reform party and although it could beat the ruling Conservatives into second place in the popular vote, it is unlikely to secure many Parliamentary seats under the U.K.’s first-past-the-post electoral system. Only a few years ago the Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer, who thinks some women have penises, and his imbecilic Deputy Leader Angela Rayner, were bending the knee to an organisation that wanted to cut funding for the police and fling open the borders. The new British Parliament will have plenty of people who still support Net Zero and assorted woke woo woo, and the great tragedy is that they will still be found across most of the represented political parties.

Chris Morrison is the Daily Sceptic’s Environment Editor.

The Shakedown That Is Vermont’s New Climate Superfund Law

Rep. Amy Sheldon, D-Middlebury, chair of the House Environment and Energy Committee, speaks at a press conference in support of a bill that would make big oil companies pay for the costs of climate change at the Statehouse in Montpelier on Tuesday, January 16, 2024. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

From Watts Up With That?

By Jonathan Lesser

June 12, 2024

Long viewed as a playground for environmentalists, Vermont has jumped the climate change shark with its new Climate Superfund law. If not halted by judges who reject its dubious legal basis, this shark promises to deliver a severe blow to the state’s economy that will harm the “ordinary Vermonters” proponents claim the law will help.

The new law is modeled after the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980, which created a “Superfund” to clean up hazardous waste sites. Under the original Superfund law, companies and any predecessors that dumped hazardous wastes are required to pay the actual cleanup costs for those sites. 

In contrast, under the Vermont law, U.S. fossil fuel producers and their successors—companies that mined coal, produced natural gas, and extracted and refined crude oil over the 30-year period between 1995 and the end of this year, and whose carbon-equivalent emissions are estimated to have been over one billion metric tons over that period—will be required to pay into a state-administered fund for the climate “damages” caused by those fuels’ ultimate consumers. Had this same logic applied to the original Superfund law, the government would have forced chemical manufacturers to pay the cleanup costs, rather than the companies that dumped them.  

Once the damages are determined, the liability from each company’s fossil fuel production will be apportioned based on the company’s share of total world emissions. To take a simple example, if between 1995 and 2024 a company refined crude oil that, when combusted, emitted one billion tons of carbon dioxide, and over the same period total world carbon dioxide emissions totaled 800 billion tons, then the company would be allocated 1/800th of the total estimated damages to Vermont. 

In addition to placing liability on U.S. energy producers, rather than end users, there are two fundamental problems with the law.  First, it is impossible to determine that “climate change” caused any individual weather-related events. For example, last summer, Montpelier, the state capital, was devastated by a flood, which proponents of the new Vermont law claim was caused by climate change.  Yet, the town was similarly devastated almost a century ago, in 1927. Was that the result of climate change, too? In fact, a 1964 publication by the U.S. Geological Survey chronicles hundreds of New England floods between 1620 and 1955, including the 1927 one. Were these all caused by climate change, too?  If not, then when did those New England floods begin to be caused by climate change?

This same cause-and-effect problem applies to other alleged damages, whether a poor maple syrup season, lousy snow at the state’s ski areas, or even a summer when the black flies are especially hungry. None can be credibly attributed to burning fossil fuels.  Moreover, how will natural variability be accounted for? Will burning fossil fuels, for example, be “credited” if a maple syrup season was better than average or if Vermont ski areas had an especially good year?

Despite the impossibility of attributing specific events to burning fossil fuels, the State Treasurer’s office will be required to issue a report in January 2026 that estimates the alleged damages climate change caused the state over the 30-year period and estimates future damages. This leads to the second fundamental problem: How will the Treasurer’s office credibly estimate those damages? 

Curiously, the state’s bond issuances, which the Treasurer’s office also oversees, make no mention of damages from climate change posing an economic risk to the state that could limit future repayments. Even the most recent bond issuance in September 2023, which discusses the economic risks posed by recovery from the Covid pandemic, does not mention any financial risks posed by climate change.  Yet, just four months later, the Climate Superfund bill was introduced, with much fanfare about how climate change has already devastated the state.

The nonsensical estimates of climate-related damages to Vermont belie the real economic damages that will be done to the state’s economy. The first consequence will be higher energy prices. Fossil fuel producers will recoup their costs through higher prices, which sellers (e.g., gasoline stations, heating oil wholesalers, natural gas distribution companies) will recover from consumers. Unlike the presumed damages to the state from climate change, higher energy prices will have immediate and destructive impacts on the state’s economy and beyond.

Other states are looking hungrily at the law, hoping to enact similar legislation. But imagine if the entire country enacted similar legislation, as many environmentalists want. Last year, U.S. energy-related CO2 emissions were about 5 billion metric tons. Using the Environmental Protection Agency’s most recent SCC value, about $200/ton, the resulting “damages” are $1 trillion.  Over the past 30 years, the damages would have been around $30 trillion. If, over that time, the U.S. emitted an average of about one-fourth of world CO2—it’s down to about 15% because China’s emissions have increased rapidly–then U.S. energy companies collectively would owe over $7 trillion. 

No company could pay its share of that amount because it would all be bankrupt if it tried, and no companies would purchase the assets because then they would be liable. The entire scheme would soon collapse. And if fossil fuel producers actually stopped producing fossil fuels, as some environmentalists demand, the U.S. economy—and modern life as we know it—would be wrecked.

Vermont’s new law ought to be viewed for what it is: a shakedown to benefit the state’s favored constituents at the expense of the public. 

Jonathan Lesser is a senior fellow with the National Center for Energy Analytics and the president of Continental Economics. 

This article was originally published by RealClearEnergy and made available via RealClearWire.

Boondoggle: Carbon capture projects are worse than a public nuisance

From CFACT

By Bonner Cohen, Ph. D.

The world of climate policy abounds with bad ideas – from force-feeding an increasingly reluctant driving public a steady diet of EVs, to regulating popular household appliances out of existence.

But one of the worst is megaprojects aimed at sucking carbon dioxide (CO2) out of the air and burying it deep underground. These pricey monstrosities, we are told, are necessary if the planet is to be saved from the onslaught of manmade greenhouse gases. Known as “direct air capture,” the unproven technology has attracted enough investor interest to finance decarbonization plants that are beginning to sprout up in the U.S. and elsewhere.

In southeastern Montana’s Snowy River region, two strange bedfellows – the Biden administration and ExxonMobil – are proposing a giant carbon sequestration project on and underneath federal land. It would be supported by a vast “carbon capture” network consisting of tens and thousands of miles of new pipelines and dozens of remote storage sites. The White House sees the scheme as advancing its decarbonization agenda, and ExxonMobil is eager to pocket what The Washington Post reports could be as much as $12.7 billion in federal subsidies for participating in the project.

But the Snowy River project is running into fierce resistance from locals, led by ranchers and county officials, who don’t want to see their part of the world used as a dumping ground for a technology they don’t trust. A similar uproar in the Midwest proved the undoing of the Heartland Greenway. Also known as the CO2 pipeline, the Heartland Greenway was supposed to pump 15 million tons of carbon dioxide captured annually from emissions of ethanol plants via a 1200-mile pipeline traversing five states to an underground site in North Dakota. Such was the outcry among landowners, regulators, and elected officials along the path of the pipeline that the developer, Navigator CO2, abandoned the project last October.

Louisiana has over 20 carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) projects in various stages of planning and development, most of them in the southeastern part of the state. Yet even in a state as historically friendly to the oil and gas industry as Louisiana, the projects are encountering stiff headwinds from residents concerned about the impact of injecting massive amounts of CO2 into ground overladen with bayous. In Iceland, Swiss start-up Climeworks recently opened the world’s biggest direct air capture facility, dubbed “Mammoth,” designed to remove 36,000 tons of CO2 from the air each year. After Climeworks captures the CO2, and has it pumped deep underground, it sells offsets based on the captured CO2.

But global carbon offset markets have become so dodgy that the Biden administration found it necessary to issue a set of voluntary guidelines to restore trust in the transactions. Released May 28, the new guidelines will “advance high-integrity” voluntary carbon markets, the White House said in a fact sheet.

Carbon offsets are an artificial commodity – completely unrelated to the climate or any other tangible asset. They are an open invitation to fraud, because it is impossible to say what effect buying or selling them will have on the climate. As even the Biden administration acknowledges: “In too many instances, credits do not live up to the high standards necessary for market participants to transact transparently and with certainty that credit purchases will deliver verifiable decarbonization.” A nine-month investigation in Europe into Verra, the world’s leading certifier of the voluntary carbon offset market, concluded last year that “more than 90% of their rainforest offset credits – among the most used by companies – are likely to be ‘phantom credits’ and do not represent genuine carbon reduction.” Companies using the Verra standard included Disney, Shell, and Gucci.

Corporate interest in the $2 billion carbon offset market has sagged in recent years, and it is not clear that the White House’s guidelines, including such things as voluntary disclosures by market participants, will improve matters. But carbon offsets and direct air capture and sequestration of CO2 fit neatly into the prevailing narrative that rising atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide are dangerously warming the plant.

But are they? Atmospheric levels of CO2 began rising in the mid-20th century, but the slight warming the Earth is undergoing dates from the late 17th century. In other words, the planet’s slow rebound from the Little Ice Age (ca. 1250-1800) cannot have been caused by something that happened after World War II. Moreover, today’s higher levels of atmospheric CO2 – about 420 parts per million (ppm) compared with roughly 250 ppm in the Little Ice Age – are highly beneficial to plant life and essential to growing crops needed to feed the world’s 8 billion people.

Some entities – whether selling carbon offsets, providing software platforms to facilitate carbon market transactions, or pocketing taxpayer subsidies for carbon capture and sequestration – can make money on the scheme the White House is trying to rescue. But the price paid by ordinary people for solving a non-existent climate crisis is incalculable.

This article originally appeared at Real Clear Energy

The Fossil-fuel Era: Still Young

From Master Resource

By Robert Bradley Jr.

“Oil, gas, and coal are ascending despite determined government efforts to reverse energy progress. With criteria air pollutants on the wane and carbon dioxide (CO2) benefits laboratory-proven, the increasing sustainability of fossil fuels is evident.”

Each years brings record production of the three fossil fuels: oil, natural gas, and coal. Peak demand is not in sight–nor should it be in a world of rising population, the aspiring poor, and new ways to employ inanimate energy to improve living. But what about future supply to meet growing demand?

In most nations of the world, free-market energy plenty is held back by government intervention. Government ownership and operation of fossil fuels and related infrastructure impedes supply and demand. But fossil fuel plenty is very hard to hold back, and enough is produced to reasonably meet demand. Such is true in the United States despite two hundred impediments from the Biden Administration. “The U.S. now has 227 years of oil supply, 130 years of natural gas supply, and 485 years of coal supply,” the study below reports. Canadian oil soldiers on despite the anti-energy policies of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

Mexico, a potential rival to Texas as a hydrocarbon center of the world, is the sad story of resource socialization and nationalization in place of private ownership of the subsoil and above-ground infrastructure. This country’s bountiful hydrocarbons await liberation in a future decade or century.

North American Energy

The Institute for Energy Research (IER) has just released an update to its 2011 study, 2024 North American Energy Inventory. As more oil, gas, and coal is produced, more is discovered to be produced, the amazing (but not biblical) story of resource expansion from free-market resourceship. Some highlights follow:

North America has vast energy resources, including oil, natural gas, and coal. These resources are enough to meet the country’s needs for hundreds of years to come. The first edition of the North American Energy Inventory, released in 2011, challenged the myth of energy scarcity and demonstrated the abundance of energy resources in North America.

Since 2011, the U.S. has become the world’s top producer of both oil and natural gas, thanks in large measure to technology. This has led to lower energy prices, job creation, and environmental benefits. The U.S. now has 227 years of oil supply, 130 years of natural gas supply, and 485 years of coal supply.

Canada also has abundant energy resources, including the fourth-largest global quantity of oil reserves. Mexico, on the other hand, has seen its energy production and reserves decline in recent years due primarily to government policies.

The current administration has taken hundreds of actions to make it harder to produce oil, natural gas, and coal in the U.S. In addition to regulatory impediments, the oil, natural gas, and coal industries face other challenges, such as difficulty raising capital, anti-fossil fuel activism, and competition from subsidized renewable energy sources.

Benefits of Domestic Energy Production:

  • Abundant and reliable energy: The U.S. is the world’s largest producer of oil and natural gas,
    which provides a secure and reliable supply of energy for the country.
  • Lower prices: Oil prices have largely shrugged off events like Russia invading Ukraine and instability in the Middle East—activities that would have driven up oil prices a decade or two ago. U.S. oil production is key to this new stability, saving families money and making the U.S. more competitive in the global economy.
  • Job creation: The oil and gas industries support millions of jobs in the U.S., both directly and indirectly. These jobs are often well-paying and provide good benefits.
  • Environmental improvements: The U.S. has made significant progress in reducing air pollution
    in recent years, even as energy production has increased. This is due, in part, to improved
    pollution control technologies.

Final Comment

Oil, gas, and coal are ascending despite determined government efforts to reverse energy progress. With criteria air pollutants on the wane and carbon dioxide (CO2) benefits laboratory-proven, the increasing sustainability of fossil fuels is evident.

The fossil fuel era is very young in human history, having eclipsed the renewable energy era just several centuries ago. IER’s recent inventory study confirms the benefits of even a quasi-free market can do. Resourceship forever!

Calling all Brits: Vote Early, Vote often

From Watts Up With That?

By Christopher Monckton of Brenchley

Bill McAuley, an engineer alumnus of Imperial College, London, mentions the following petition on the UK Parliament’s website. If the petition gains 100,000 signatures, Parliament will have to debate it. Brits only can sign the petition by following the link below:

https://petition.parliament.uk/petitions/657353

The bureaucrats – without any justification in law – are using the forthcoming General Election as a pretext to cut off the petition at midnight on 29 May, so you will need to get your vote registered online at once.

The petition, refers to the World Climate Declaration organized by CLINTEL, supported by some 1600 scientists and researchers, including Nobel Laureates. The organizer says:

“We believe the Climate Change Act 2008 and related Net Zero targets are both now in effect based on just one side of a two-sided scientific debate, as we do not consider there to be a scientific consensus on the hypothesis of human emissions causing climate change. We consider that one side only of a two-sided scientific debate is not an acceptable basis for significant legislation that could have major impacts on the UK’s economy and citizens. We want the issue of Climate Change to be reconsidered from scratch based on views and evidence from all sides.”

The now-collapsed Government’s response is as follows –

The Government’ “Department for Energy and Net Zero” adds:

“The Government’s policy to support ambitious action on climate change reflects the mainstream scientific consensus and thousands of studies, including the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessments. The IPCC is the authoritative source of information on climate science. The IPCC has established that human influence has warmed the climate at a rate that is unprecedented in at least the last 2000 years. This warming of the climate is attributed to the build-up of carbon dioxide (CO2) and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere due to fossil fuel combustion, cement manufacture and deforestation. The evidence for this is set out in chapters 2 and 3 of the IPCC Sixth Assessment Working Group 1 report.

“As discussed in chapter 4 of the above report, if the CO2 concentration continues to rise unchecked the world could face a global surface temperature rise of about 3°C or more above pre-industrial levels by the end of this century. The serious consequences of this for human societies and ecosystems are set out in the IPCC Working Group report on impacts, vulnerability, and adaptation.

“The Prime Minister has reiterated that net zero is a priority for this Government. The UK is the first major economy to halve its emissions – having cut them by around 53% between 1990 and 2023, while also growing its economy by around 80%. More than ever, we are determined to adopt a fair and pragmatic approach to net zero that minimises the burdens on working people. The measures announced by the Prime Minister on 20 September 2023 (https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-speech-on-net-zero-20-september-2023) will help avoid imposing significant costs on families.

“The Government understands the importance of affordable energy bills for households and businesses and is focussed on delivering for energy consumers. We are taking a comprehensive approach to bring down future bills. This includes reforming retail markets to be more effective for consumers through the Review of Electricity Market Arrangements (REMA) Programme. We are also investing across the energy system and supporting the progress of new technologies to deliver a smarter energy system, and energy efficiency to reduce costs for all consumers.

“The costs of global inaction to tackle climate change significantly outweigh the costs of action. Indeed, delaying action will only put future generations at risk. The Net Zero “Review by HM Treasury, published alongside the Net Zero Strategy in October 2021, provided an analysis of the costs and benefits of the transition, found here (http://www.gov.uk/government/publications/net-zero-review-final-report). As the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) noted in its July 2021 Fiscal Risks Report (https://obr.uk/frs/fiscal-risks-report-july-2021/), “the costs of failing to get climate change under control would be much larger than those of bringing emissions down to net zero”.

“Government policy and spending ambitions will support up to 480,000 green jobs in 2030. We have a clear strategy to boost UK industry and reach net zero by 2050 – backed by £300 billion in public and private low carbon investment between 2010 and 2023, with a further £100 billion of private investment expected by 2030. Since September alone companies have announced plans for £30bn of new investment across the energy sector, including to advance green technologies and support green industries of the future.

“The public will play a key role in the net zero transition. A significant proportion of the emission reductions will require the public to make green choices and the UK government will be supporting the consumers all the way. Our priority is making green choices significantly easier, clearer and more affordable, and working with industry to remove barriers.

“The DESNZ Public Attitudes Tracker shows that people are willing to make green choices. In Summer 2023, a large majority (74%) agreed that they could make changes that would help reduce climate change. When shown a list of behaviours related to reducing climate change, almost all people (98%), said that they did at least one of these in their everyday life. The most recent wave of the DESNZ Public Attitudes Tracker shows that 80% of people in the UK are either fairly concerned or very concerned about climate change and 62% of the public consider climate change and the environment to be one of the most important issues facing the UK (ONS 14-25th February 2024)

“The Climate Change Act requires that we publish the level of the Carbon Budget 7 twelve years before the period to allow policy makers, businesses, and individuals to prepare. The statutory deadline for setting the Seventh Carbon Budget is June 2026. In recent correspondence with the Environmental Audit Committee, the Secretary of State for DESNZ stated her support for proper democratic consideration of carbon budgets. We have committed to additional Parliamentary scrutiny for Carbon Budget 7, which is in line with this government’s commitment to delivering on these targets in a way that brings people with us and ensures democratic debate about the way we get there.”

In the General Election on July 4, the third-largest party – Reform – is the only one committed to bringing the climate-change nonsense to an end.

On the History of IER (for the record)

From Master Resource

By Robert Bradley Jr. 

Ed note: The evolution of the Institute for Energy Research (IER), from a part-time to a full-time organization, is recounted below. (The earlier history of IER can be found herehere, and here. ) From inception, the institute has been a classical-liberal organization in favor of economic freedom–and thus consumers and taxpayers. In this regard, Wiki’s (erroneous) entry on IER is rebutted here.

In its 36th year, the Institute for Energy Research (IER) has a proud history that rebuts the erroneous ad hominem arguments hurled against its principles and principals. Ever since its humble beginnings, IER’s rock-solid research into the economics, political economy, philosophy, and history of energy markets have stood the test of time. Energy markets need to be free of, not controlled by, government—for human betterment and individual justice.

Under the direction of president and COO Tom Pyle, IER’s Washington DC organization is a trusted free-market voice in today’s contentious debates over subsidies for wind, solar, and batteries, ethanol mandates, and carbon-dioxide regulation. Thanks to our donors (thousands strong), IER’s education efforts have reached the media, the public, academia, and federal and state legislators.

Never has IER’s educational mission been more important. Both major political parties have increasingly politicized energy away from what consumers really want and need for their homes, vehicles, and businesses. The Biden’s Administration’s “whole of government” crusade against fossil fuels—accounting for 82 percent of U.S. and global energy consumption—props up uneconomic, unreliable, symbolic alternatives.

What F. A. Hayek called “the fatal conceit” is alive and well with government energy planning, whether done in the name of promoting national security, creating jobs, or addressing global climate change (all misapplied rationales).

The United States needs to shape and expand its domestic energy industry in accordance with profit/loss signals in the marketplace. This is capitalism proper—versus political capitalism, where a special government regulation or subsidy overrides the consumer verdicts.

Energy abundance, affordability, and reliability cut across class, race, and political boundaries. Artificial scarcity, price spikes, and Big Brother edicts (such as what light bulbs are legal to buy or sell) are the bane of government energy planning. Economic coordination and growth—and in the present context, economic recovery—require the type energy policies championed by IER.

We look forward to your input and support in the months and years ahead.

A Look Back

On June 26, 1989, the Institute for Energy Research (IER) was founded as a 501(c)3 public foundation in Houston, Texas. The original board members were:

  • Robert L. Bradley Jr., president
  • Nancy C. Bradley, secretary/treasurer
  • Emma B. Broussard
  • William A. Johnson

Howard H. Gano Jr., a CPA, would also join the board in this early period.

IER then centered on the burgeoning activity of its founder and president (me) with the publication of my first book, The Mirage of Oil Production (University Press of America, 1989), sponsored by the Cato Institute. The process that led to this book was my testimony before Congress in 1986 against the imposition of new import fees, as well as my work on what became Oil, Gas, and Government: The U.S. Experience, which would be published in 1996 (Rowman & Littlefield).

A Part-time Organization

At the time of IER’s founding, Bradley was a full-time employee of Transwestern Pipeline Company, a natural gas transmission company that was wholly owned by Enron Corporation. A market analyst by day, he devoted nights and weekends to his scholarly activities and IER, making it a respected if small free-market think tank dedicated to energy issues. Humorously, the editor of Natural Gas Week, John Jennrich, labeled IER a “think bucket.” After all, the organization was essentially a one-person show.

Small steps were important ones in IER’s early years. In early 1991, publicity for Bradley in the New York Times led to a foundation grant to install an IER phone line. Each fundraising success was reason for celebration. And with enough activity, Bradley began preparing quarterly reports for IER’s small group of donors and other allies, a list that would grow over time from less than a hundred to several hundred.

IER leveraged its activities by teaming up with the Georgia-based Southern Regulatory Policy Institute (SPRI), which was the avocation of Jim Clarkson, an energy engineer with strong free-market beliefs. In November 1991, Clarkson merged the energy-focused SRPI into IER and joined IER’s board.

IER inherited SPRI’s booklet program, and with this printing capability, it began the series Studies in Market-based Energy Policy. One study, “Demand-Side Management: Ratepayers Beware,” by Douglas Houston of the University of Kansas, was highly publicized in the energy trade press and went through two editions.

In conjunction with its publications, IER began an adjunct scholar program. Doug Houston was an original member of the project, as was Jerry Ellig of George Mason University, who authored an IER booklet critical of public-utility regulation.

In March 1993, IER spearheaded a conference in Washington, D.C., hosted by the Cato Institute, “New Horizons in Natural Gas Deregulation.” This was a breakout event, with attendance of 130, favorable publicity, and a book of proceedings published by Praeger. The handsome volume was edited with an introduction by Ellig and Joseph Kalt, the Ford Foundation Professor of International Political Economy at Harvard University. Two years later, IER and Cato repeated the success with another major conference, “New Horizons in Electric Power Deregulation.”

IER continued to grow around Bradley’s active writing and lecturing. Oil, Gas, and Government: The U.S. Experience came out in 1996 and was followed in 2000 with the release of an energy primer for the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), Julian Simon and the Triumph of Energy Sustainability. But things were changing for Bradley in his day job in ways that caused conflicts.

In 1988, Enron chairman Ken Lay seized upon the climate-change issue as part of the company’s strategy to focus on natural gas as the ideal fuel for electric generation. The enemy to Enron was coal, which emitted one and a half times as much carbon dioxide (CO2) as did gas. To its credit, Enron developed new products to reduce the volatility and risk of long-term gas prices in order to foster a resurgence of gas demand for electric generation, but playing the political card was seen as necessary too.

Expanding its political model, Enron entered into the renewable energy business, first with solar power (1994) and then with wind power (1997). Thus, Enron was embracing the very energy path that Bradley was criticizing in publications and lectures. In 1997, in fact, Bradley—Enron’s new director of public policy analysis—had just published a major study for Cato: “Renewable Energy: Not Cheap, Not ‘Green.’

Nevertheless, Enron valued Bradley for his extensive free-market connections (Enron had pro-market issues too), and Ken Lay, ever the politician and appeaser, acted as a buffer between Bradley and his critics at Enron. (Some of Bradley’s skirmishes with Enron Wind Company and Enron’s climate lobbyist are posted on the website PoliticalCapitalism.)

Full Time IER

Bradley’s 16-year career with Enron ended with the company’s bankruptcy. On December 4, 2001, a day after he was laid off, IER technically became a full-time organization for the first time. Some emergency funding was secured from free-market donors and Houston individuals and foundations to help Bradley make the transition.

Bradley turned his attention to two projects: authoring a book on the global warming debate and co-authoring an energy primer. A major new opportunity also presented itself: writing an insider book describing the rise and fall of Enron from a free-market, classical liberal perspective. There was also much fundraising to do, as well as attracting like-minded energy scholars to IER’s cause.

In 2003, Bradley published Climate Alarmism Reconsidered with the Institute of Economic Affairs, a London-based think tank with a classical-liberal outlook. The next year, Bradley (and coauthor Richard Fulmer, an IER senior fellow) published Energy: The Master Resource with Kendall/Hunt, a publisher of textbooks for the high school and college market. Bradley also began his Enron book project, which would grow into three stand-alone volumes. The first volume of the trilogy, Capitalism at Work: Business, Government, and Energy, would come out in 2008.

A full-time IER gave Bradley the chance to expand the organization. This was much needed, for energy issues were growing with rising prices and political events. In 2003, Tom Tanton affiliated with IER. Rising to vice president, Tanton actively gave radio interviews, wrote op-eds, prepared studies, and made presentations at professional events. Tanton also managed IER’s new website and its blog feature, Tom Tanton’s Talkback. Based in California, Tanton is now a fellow in environmental studies at Pacific Research Institute in California and an adjunct scholar of IER.

IER Washington

In the spring of 2007, IER expanded its reach to the nation’s capital. Mary Hutzler, formerly Acting Administrator of the Energy Information Administration (Department of Energy), joined IER as a distinguished senior fellow. Robert P. Murphy joined IER as an economist. Andrew Morriss, a law professor and Ph.D. economist, became a senior fellow in 2007, as did, a year later, Robert Michaels, a professor of economics at California State Fullerton and an energy specialist.

These affiliations joined IER’s full time staff: President Rob Bradley and secretary/treasurer, Nancy Bradley. All other relationships were either on a consulting basis or were nonpaid affiliations. But IER’s achievements led to new opportunities to expand significantly and become what it is today: a major Washington, D.C.-headquartered, all-energy-all-the-time think tank.

On February 1, 2008, Tom Pyle joined IER as president and COO, with Bradley taking the new title of CEO. (For more information about staff and activities, visit IER’s website.)

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From its founding until the present, IER has been a principled free-market think tank, turning its deep scholarly research for academics into educational materials for audiences ranging from the interested public to policymakers. IER’s mission is stated here. Funding comes from the voluntary (non-taxpayer) contributions of individuals, foundations, and corporations who believe in our principled positions in favor of private property, voluntary exchange, and capitalist wealth creation.